The youth of Pakistan possess the strength to influence election outcomes, yet seem not to have the authority to determine who can run in them.

Almost half of Pakistan’s registered voters are under 35. They pack rallies, lead campaigns, influence political discussions online and are eagerly pursued by major political parties. However, when election tickets are handed out, manifestos created, and policy choices determined, young people are mostly absent. 

The inconsistency is evident in the figures. Of the roughly 128 million registered voters in the February 2024 general election, those under 35 made up 44 percent, as reported by Al Jazeera,  Pakistan Election 2024: By the Numbers. Election Commission figures cited in Elections 2024: Parties Race to Woo Key Youth Voters show that voters aged 18–35 increased from 46.4 million in 2018 to nearly 56.9 million in 2024.

Young Pakistanis are therefore not politically absent. They are politically essential.

But electoral strength has not translated into political power. IPU Parline data on youth representation in Pakistan demonstrate that merely 2.3 percent of lawmakers are aged 30 or below, whereas only 12.2 percent are 40 or under. Pakistan has created a youthful electorate while failing to develop a young political leadership.

One factor is how political parties choose their candidates. Political parties still prefer established families, affluent candidates, and individuals deemed “electable.” A young politician who enters national politics frequently does so via an inherited political network. For individuals lacking family ties, financial resources, or influential mentors, the path to advancement is significantly harder.

Fragile internal party democracy exacerbates this issue. PILDAT’s Internal Democracy in Political Parties of Pakistan records PPP leader Farhatullah Babar acknowledging that party elections are “not truly democratic”. When party leadership and election tickets are controlled through informal networks, youth wings may mobilize thousands of young supporters without producing young decision-makers.

The local government should provide an alternative route. It should allow a young person to contest an election, gain experience, build a constituency and demonstrate the ability to govern. Yet the local government is repeatedly weakened or delayed. When this route is blocked, national politics becomes even more dependent on access to established party elites.

The exclusion becomes deeper when “youth” is treated as a single group. A young urban man with education, family wealth and political connections does not face the same barriers as a young woman, a rural resident, a person from a minority community or a person with a disability.

FAFEN’s report on General Elections 2024,  found that 77 of 111 political parties did not even reach 4.5 percent women candidates on general seats, despite the legal requirement of five percent. Another report also records a 9.94 million gender gap in voter registration.

For young individuals with disabilities, political exclusion can start even sooner due to polling places that are not accessible, political information that is hard to access, and a lack of sufficient data regarding accessibility. The essential question is thus not just how many young individuals engage, but which young individuals are excluded from the system and for what reasons.

Digital politics appeared to offer a way around some of these barriers.  Social media has undoubtedly provided young Pakistanis with a more prominent political voice, yet being visible does not equate to having real authority. A viral post does not decide a party nomination, sanction a budget, or create legislation. Digital engagement is also vulnerable to disruption. 

Economic pressure further reduces political independence. A Gallup Pakistan analysis of the Labour Force Survey 2024–25 reported a 32.8 percent jobless rate among degree holders aged 20–24, rising to 42.3 percent for female graduates. For numerous educated youth, participating in politics entails a financial risk that is too high to bear. Politics requires time, financial resources, mobility, and independence, which become difficult to access when personal survival and job security are prioritized. Lacking family wealth or personal assets, financial uncertainty establishes foundational obstacles that essentially restrict political engagement to elite, established circles, hindering ongoing participation from working-class individuals and young professionals.

That’s why “youth empowerment” must involve more than merely rallies, conversations, and campaign slogans. Political parties must disclose their candidate selection procedures, create authentic pathways for younger members to gain leadership positions, and grant young representatives voting rights on manifesto and policy committees. Local government elections need to be cohesive and significant, student representation should be restored with clear regulations, and electoral bodies must publish age-specific data on candidates, voter participation, and elected officials. Importantly, the participation of youth ought to be assessed by impact rather than just presence.

The issue isn’t the number of young individuals who participated in a conference, became members of a youth wing, or featured in a campaign photo. The inquiry is about how many received electoral tickets, formed party manifestos, impacted budgets, and had a say when those decisions were made. 

The Inter-Parliamentary Union’s Youth Participation in National Parliaments: 2023 reminds us that younger generations will live longest with the consequences of the laws being passed today.

Pakistan doesn’t have to convince its young people to engage in democracy. They already participate.The true measure of democracy is if Pakistan is ready to allow the generation that determines elections to also partake in the power wielded after election day.

About the Author:

Zunaira Zahid is Legal Officer at Accountability Lab Pakistan and can be reached at zunaira@accountabilitylab.org